An interesting aspect of scandals in official Washington is the bright light they unwittingly shine on other activities that otherwise manage to stay below the political radar screen.
Take the cases of House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas) and GOP lobbying pal Jack Abramoff. It’s serious business, with all the ingredients-big names, big money, big politics-you could ever ask for in a scandal.
At its essence, it is about the relationship between lawmaker and lobbyist and between lobbyist and the law. DeLay is under fire over allegations he took trips and accepted gifts outside the parameters of congressional ethics guidelines. Abramoff is being investigated for allegedly swindling Native American tribes of some $60 million in connection with his representation of their gambling aspirations.
The intense scrutiny of DeLay’s and Abramoff’s professional lives has opened the door to other disputes and revelations.
In March, The Hill newspaper reconstructed the battle between two firms for a $4 million contract to install an indoor wireless network in the House of Representatives. The feud’s genesis reportedly dates back to 1999 when then-AT&T Wireless Services Inc. and Nextel Communications Inc. contacted a House committee about how to get better radio signal penetration inside the U.S. Capitol.
Long story short, according to the article, MobileAccess Networks-an Israeli firm represented by Abramoff’s former Greenberg Traurig law firm-won out over San Jose-based LGC. LGC, which claims it could have done the House job cheaper, suspects a separate contract-one to install an indoor wireless network in the Senate-will also go MobileAccess’ way at U.S. taxpayers’ expense. Sour grapes or foul play? Who knows? There is no clear evidence Abramoff himself was involved in MobileAccess’ bid for the House contract. Lobbying records do indicate Neil Volz, former chief of staff to Rep. Bob Ney (R-Ohio), lobbied for MobileAccess. Ney is chairman of the House Administration Committee. Ney’s name has surfaced in recent stories on DeLay and Abramoff.
How many, if any, of the influence peddling allegations are true is unclear. One thing is certain: Privately funded congressional trips-some disclosed, many apparently not-are the norm. But there’s a twist. PoliticalMoneyLine, an Internet campaign finance and lobbying tracking firm, said more than half of the $16 million in privately funded lawmaker trips between 2000 and 2005 were bankrolled by nonprofit, tax-exempt groups and organizations that receive money from others. The IRS does not require those groups to disclose the “others.” CTIA spent $23,575 during the 2000-20005 period on congressional travel, ranking it but 94th on the list. The Aspen Institute was No. 1, having expended nearly $3 million to jet lawmakers here and there.
Look for legislation soon on nonprofits’ funding of congressional travel.
